Cyberbullying has emerged as a pervasive problem in educational settings worldwide, posing significant risks to students’ mental health and academic success (Kowalski et al., 2014; Tokunaga, 2010). Defined as the use of digital technologies to harass or harm others, cyberbullying transcends physical boundaries and can occur anytime, reaching a wide audience (Smith et al., 2008; Tokunaga, 2010). A complex feature of cyberbullying is the overlap between victimization and perpetration, where students may simultaneously be victims and perpetrators of online harassment. Research indicates that individuals who occupy both roles – often termed bully-victims – tend to suffer heightened negative outcomes, including more severe psychological distress than those who are only victims or only bullies (Camacho et al., 2022; Kowalski et al., 2014). In light of this overlap, our study conceptualizes cyberbullying involvement as a composite of both victimization and perpetration experiences, reflecting how many students navigate dual roles in the online environment. This perspective allows us to capture the full extent of cyberbullying exposure and its relationship with students.
Empirical evidence consistently links cyberbullying involvement to adverse psychological outcomes across diverse contexts (Giumetti et al., 2022; Kowalski et al., 2014; Patchin & Hinduja, 2010). Victims of cyberbullying often report elevated levels of anxiety and depression and lower self-esteem (Tokunaga, 2010; Varghese & Pistole, 2017). Such psychological harm is not limited to Western populations; studies in China and other Asian societies have found similar patterns (Li et al., 2023; Li & Hesketh, 2021; Xing et al., 2022). These mental health challenges can also undermine students’ academic performance. Cyberbullied students frequently experience declines in concentration, motivation, and confidence at school, which is associated with lower academic engagement and achievement (Beran & Li, 2008; Martínez-Monteagudo et al., 2020; Schneider et al., 2012). For example, being targeted online has been associated with reduced academic self-concept and increased absenteeism, which in turn is negatively related to learning outcomes (Schneider et al., 2012). Although these relationships are well-established, it remains important to investigate them in specific cultural settings and under new theoretical lenses. Much prior research has been conducted in Western contexts (Kowalski et al., 2014); by examining Chinese university students, we can verify whether these detrimental effects persist in a collectivist culture and explore any unique cultural dynamics. Additionally, our study extends the literature by incorporating perceived social support as a moderating factor to determine whether supportive relationships can buffer students against the harms of cyberbullying (Cohen & Wills, 1985; Holt & Espelage, 2006).
Chinese cultural values such as collectivism and the concept of “face” (面子, miànzi) may play a crucial role in how cyberbullying is experienced and coped with. In collectivist cultures, maintaining social harmony and saving face often influence individuals’ responses to adversity. For instance, a student who is cyberbullied might avoid seeking help or speaking out in order to preserve their own and their family’s honor (Leung & Cohen, 2011; Triandis et al., 1995). Fear of “losing face” or bringing shame can thus exacerbate the stress of being victimized, as the individual may internalize the problem rather than reach out for support. This culturally rooted stressor – essentially a face threat appraisal – could intensify feelings of anxiety or depression when one is targeted by cyberbullying. It might also discourage effective coping; avoiding confrontation or help-seeking to save face can leave victims more vulnerable to the psychological toll of the abuse (Hu et al., 2016; Leung & Cohen, 2011). On the other hand, the collectivist emphasis on interdependence suggests that social support from family, friends, and the community might be especially salient in China. Strong interpersonal support networks could provide emotional reassurance and advice to cyberbullying victims. However, if face concerns lead students to conceal their struggles, they may not fully benefit from these support systems. Understanding how cultural factors like collectivism and face consciousness intersect with cyberbullying dynamics is, therefore, important for interpreting our results. We acknowledge these factors (even if not measured directly as variables) to culturally contextualize our study and to recognize that the effectiveness of social support may partly depend on such cultural nuances (Leung & Cohen, 2011; Triandis et al., 1995).
The theoretical framework guiding this research draws on both Social Cognitive Theory and the Stress-Coping paradigm, integrated with the aforementioned cultural context. Bandura’s (1986) Social Cognitive Theory provides insight into how individuals might become involved in cyberbullying. Aggressive behaviors can be learned and reinforced through observation of others, as demonstrated in classic studies of modeled aggression (Bandura, 1977). In online environments, students may emulate behaviors they see peers engage in or that seem normatively accepted. Moreover, perpetrators often use moral disengagement strategies – cognitively justifying or minimizing the harm of their actions – to continue cyberbullying without self-reproach (Bandura, 1999; Pornari & Wood, 2009). This helps explain how some students who are victimized might turn into perpetrators themselves: they learn from the aggressive models and rationalize retaliation or continued harassment. Social Cognitive Theory thus sheds light on the victimization and perpetration of cyberbullying by showing how personal factors (like attitudes and beliefs about aggression), environmental factors (like exposure to cyberbullying by others), and behaviors all reciprocally influence one another in a continuous loop (Bandura, 1986).
Complementing this, Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) Stress and Coping Framework views being cyberbullied as a significant psychosocial stressor. According to the transactional theory of stress and coping, the impact of such a stressor is not determined by the event alone but by how the individual appraises and responds to it (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Not all students who experience cyberbullying suffer equally – their coping mechanisms and resources determine, to a large extent, the outcome (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). If a student appraises an online attack as overwhelming and has poor coping strategies, they are more likely to develop severe anxiety or depression. Conversely, if they can cope effectively, the negative impact can be reduced. In the context of Chinese culture, this appraisal process may include considerations of face and social image. For example, a cyberbullying incident could be appraised as highly threatening if it publicly humiliates the victim (a loss of face), potentially making the stress response even stronger. On the other hand, coping efforts might be channeled into face-saving measures such as avoidance, which might mitigate public embarrassment but leave internal emotions unaddressed (Hu et al., 2016; Leung & Cohen, 2011).
Within the stress-coping framework, perceived social support is a critical coping resource that can alter the impact of cyberbullying. Social support refers to the emotional, instrumental, or informational assistance one perceives from their social network. A robust body of research on bullying and life stress suggests that social support can act as a protective buffer, reducing the adverse effects of stress on mental health (Cohen & Wills, 1985; Holt & Espelage, 2006). In bullying contexts specifically, support from friends, family, or school personnel has been associated with lower levels of anxiety and depression among victims (Perren et al., 2010). Recent studies on cyberbullying have begun to demonstrate similar patterns: for instance, adolescents who felt greater social support showed fewer depressive symptoms following cybervictimization, whereas those who felt isolated or helpless showed worse outcomes (Perren et al., 2010). High perceived support can provide victims with coping assistance (e.g., someone to talk to, advice on how to respond, or help in stopping the bully), thereby mitigating the psychological harm of the cyberbullying experience. In our cultural context, family support may be particularly influential (consistent with Confucian values of familial care), but only if victims are willing to confide in relatives. Overall, integrating Social Cognitive Theory with stress-coping theory and cultural insights leads us to expect that social support will buffer the relationship between cyberbullying and negative outcomes. In other words, students who have strong support systems should be less severely affected psychologically by cyberbullying compared to those with weak support, even in a culture where admitting the problem can be delicate (Cohen & Wills, 1985; Leung & Cohen, 2011; Perren et al., 2010).
Building on this background, the present study aims to examine the relationship between cyberbullying involvement and Chinese university students’ psychological well-being and academic performance, and to determine whether perceived social support moderates these relationships. We focus on three key psychological outcomes – depression, anxiety, and self-esteem – which were chosen due to their documented sensitivity to bullying experiences and their relevance to students’ functioning. Cyberbullying is linked to a reduction in mental well-being, elevated depression and anxiety and diminished self-esteem, and these in turn are likely to be negatively associated with academic engagement and achievement. A student struggling with depression or anxiety may have difficulty concentrating on studies or participating in class, while low self-esteem is linked to lower academic motivation and resilience. By investigating these variables as mediators, we seek to clarify the mechanism by which cyberbullying might translate into academic problems. Figure 1 (conceptual framework) illustrates our hypothesized model, which examines cyberbullying involvement through its links with depression, anxiety, and self-esteem, and in which social support plays a buffering role on the path to psychological outcomes.
The figure illustrates the hypothesized pathways examining the relationships between cyberbullying involvement, psychological well-being (anxiety, depression, and self-esteem), and academic performance, as well as the buffering role of perceived social support. Arrows indicate the direction of the hypothesized direct, mediating, and moderating relationships. Alphanumeric labels (e.g., H1a, H2b) correspondto the specific hypotheses tested in the study. The plus (+) and minus (-) symbols appended to the hypotheses denote the expected positive or negative direction of the associations, respectively.
In addition to focusing on the immediate psychological sequelae of cyberbullying, we also test whether perceived social support directly buffers the path from cyberbullying to academic performance (H4d). This choice is consistent with stress-buffering theory, which allows support to operate both proximally (on psychological symptoms) and distally (on functional outcomes). This decision was made to keep the model parsimonious and theoretically focused on the point of initial impact (the experience of cyberbullying itself). It is worth noting, however, that social support might also buffer the downstream effects of mental health problems on academic functioning—an interesting possibility that we address in the discussion as a direction for future research. Although collectivism/face were not directly measured in our model, we treat them as contextual mechanisms and outline them as priorities for future measurement.
Based on the literature review and theoretical framework, we formulated the following hypotheses:
H1: Cyberbullying involvement—encompassing both victimization and perpetration—is significantly associated with psychological distress among Chinese university students, specifically characterized by increased anxiety (H1a), elevated depression (H1b), and reduced self-esteem (H1c), and is negatively associated with academic performance (H1d).
H2: Psychological well-being is associated with academic performance among Chinese university students, specifically characterized by negative associations for anxiety (H2a) and depression (H2b), and a positive association for self-esteem (H2c).
H3: Psychological well-being mediates the relationship between cyberbullying involvement and academic performance among Chinese university students, specifically characterized by indirect effects through anxiety (H3a), depression (H3b), and self-esteem (H3c).
H4: Social support moderates the relationships between cyberbullying involvement and outcomes among Chinese university students, specifically characterized by weakened positive associations with anxiety (H4a) and depression (H4b), and attenuated negative associations with self-esteem (H4c) and academic performance (H4d) at higher levels of social support.
H5: Perceived social support moderates the mediating relationships between cyberbullying involvement and academic performance among Chinese university students, specifically characterized by attenuated negative indirect relationships through anxiety (H5a) and depression (H5b), and an attenuated positive indirect relationship through self-esteem (H5c) at higher levels of social support.
