This study examined the impact of personality traits and fan identity on cyberbullying and cybervictimization among sports fans on Sina Weibo, highlighting the significant roles of extraversion, neuroticism, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and the newly introduced fan identity variable. The findings contribute to the expanding literature on online aggression by contextualizing personality-driven behavior within the social identity dynamics of digital fandom. Framing these results within the Social Identity model of Deindividuation Effects (SIDE), we argue that Weibo’s public-by-default visibility, episodic anonymity/pseudonymity, and rivalry-amplifying affordances heighten identity salience, thereby intensifying identity-congruent behavior during contentious fan exchanges. In line with RQ1, fan identity demonstrated incremental validity beyond the Big Five for both outcomes. Consistent with RQ2/H3, identity-relevant conditions (identity salience, rivalry intensity) moderated trait–behavior links, clarifying when dispositions translate into aggression or exposure.
The positive relationship between extraversion and cyberbullying (β = 0.22, p < 0.001) supports previous research showing that extraverts, due to their sociability, assertiveness, and need for social stimulation, may engage more frequently in attention-seeking or dominance-oriented behaviors online1,2. Extraverts are often highly active on platforms like Sina Weibo, participating in trending sports debates, where their visibility increases the likelihood of confrontation3. During periods of heightened social attention—such as major sporting events or viral controversies—extraverts may exploit these emotionally charged contexts to express dominance, sometimes crossing into aggressive behavior2,4. Practically, this effect was small (f² ≈ 0.06) but reliable, suggesting that high-volume participation coupled with rivalry cues—not extraversion per se—is the proximal driver of aggressive posts under SIDE-consistent conditions.
The study also found a strong positive relationship between neuroticism and cybervictimization (β = 0.33, p < 0.001), which corroborates extensive research indicating that emotionally unstable individuals are more vulnerable to perceived threats and rejection in online spaces5,6. Neurotic individuals tend to interpret ambiguous or neutral messages as hostile and often lack the emotional regulation necessary to buffer online stressors7. This heightened sensitivity aligns with findings from Mong5 and Albikawi6, who noted that neurotic users experience cyberbullying more intensely, resulting in greater psychological distress, including anxiety and depressive symptoms. In sports fan contexts—where online arguments are often intense and deeply personal—neurotic individuals may feel mainly targeted when their allegiances or views are challenged. Consistent with H3, the Neuroticism × Identity-Salience interaction indicated steeper victimization slopes when rivalry cues were salient, a SIDE-aligned pattern whereby group-cue prominence amplifies reactive processing and perceived exposure.
The negative association between agreeableness and cyberbullying (β = -0.28, p < 0.001) reinforces the notion that prosocial traits such as empathy, cooperation, and emotional warmth act as buffers against aggressive online behavior8,9. In highly competitive and emotionally charged environments, such as sports fandoms, individuals who are agreeable are more likely to seek resolution or disengage rather than escalate conflicts10. Subaramaniam et al.8 emphasized that agreeable individuals are less likely to derive satisfaction from dominance or confrontation, and are more inclined to maintain group harmony, even in polarized online communities. Wang et al.9 further stressed that on platforms like Sina Weibo, interpersonal sensitivity plays a significant role in how users regulate their participation in contentious debates, particularly in culturally collectivist contexts. Importantly, Agreeableness × Fan Identity moderation revealed that low agreeableness translated more strongly into bullying at high fan identity, indicating that identity salience can attenuate or amplify trait-based hostility depending on normative pressures within the in-group.
Conscientiousness exhibited a significant negative relationship with cybervictimization (β = -0.18, p = 0.003), indicating that individuals who are organized, self-disciplined, and cautious are less likely to become targets of online aggression. Conscientious users typically adopt preventive digital behaviors, such as limiting exposure to volatile discussions, maintaining respectful tones, and avoiding risky interactions11,12. Hossain et al.11 found that highly conscientious individuals are better at self-monitoring and controlling emotional responses in high-stimulus environments, which could explain their lower susceptibility to victimization. Albikawi6 also reported that digital self-regulation correlates with a lower likelihood of being drawn into escalating cyber conflicts. In our model, this effect was small (f² ≈ 0.05). Yet, it points to practical levers—“digital hygiene” (cool-down delays, reply scheduling, filtered mentions)—that platforms can scaffold to reduce exposure risk for users predisposed to cautious self-regulation.
In contrast, openness to experience did not significantly predict cyberbullying (β = 0.09, p = 0.106). This aligns with the nuanced nature of the openness construct, which encompasses intellectual curiosity, tolerance for ambiguity, and aesthetic sensitivity, but is not inherently linked to interpersonal hostility13. Hasanah et al.13 suggest that while open individuals may actively engage in novel online discussions, they do not typically seek confrontation. Their participation may take the form of exploration and creative expression, rather than dominance or aggression. Thus, openness may influence the breadth rather than the valence of online interactions. The 95% CI for this path straddled zero, underscoring that openness is not a central lever for aggression in rivalry-laden fan discourse.
Most notably, the study introduced fan identity as a key predictor of both cyberbullying (β = 0.31, p < 0.001) and cybervictimization (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), marking a novel contribution to the literature on identity-based online aggression. Individuals with high fan identity feel a deep emotional connection to their sports team, which can heighten in-group loyalty and out-group hostility, particularly in rivalry contexts14,15. This finding aligns with Social Identity Theory16, which posits that individuals derive part of their self-concept from group membership, leading to defensive or aggressive behavior when that identity is threatened or challenged. Crucially, RQ1/H1 is supported: fan identity adds unique explanatory power beyond traits for both perpetration and exposure. SIDE helps explain this duality: when individuating cues recede and group cues dominate, behavior becomes identity-congruent—escalating both offensive and defensive actions.
Wann and Branscombe17 found that strongly identified fans often perceive criticism of their team as personal attacks, increasing the likelihood of retaliatory aggression. In online spaces like Sina Weibo, where sports discussions are fast-paced, public, and emotionally charged, fan identity amplifies sensitivity to dissent and fuels behaviors intended to defend team honor or discredit rivals. Lu et al.18 and Kim and Kim41 further argued that high fan identity can lead to identity fusion, where the line between self and group blurs, making personal and group insults indistinguishable and more likely to provoke cyberbullying. Distinguishing social identity from identity fusion is theoretically useful: the former predicts norm-consistent hostility under group cues; the latter explains more intense, persistent punitive actions—mirroring digital hooliganism/vigilantism patterns sometimes observed in coordinated fan campaigns.
The positive association between fan identity and cybervictimization may seem paradoxical, but prior research explains this through the emotional visibility and engagement intensity of highly identified fans. Their active participation in debates and tendency to take polarized stances may make them more exposed to counterattacks or targeted harassment by opposing fans19,20. Hu and Chen43 observed that fans with stronger identity expression on Chinese platforms are often the most frequent targets in digital conflicts due to their vocal presence. This suggests that fan identity plays a dual role—as both a motivator of aggression and a risk factor for victimization—depending on the dynamics of online group interactions. Our predictive checks (Q², PLSpredict) further indicate that identity-based variables enhance practical forecasting of who is likely to engage in, or be exposed to, hostile exchanges during rivalry events, strengthening the applied value of these constructs.
Together, these findings underscore that cyberbullying and cybervictimization in sports fan communities cannot be fully explained by individual traits alone. The social identity embedded in fandom plays an equally crucial role. The interaction of personality and identity-driven motives creates a complex landscape where assertive extraverts, emotionally unstable neurotics, and strongly identified fans are most susceptible to negative online behavior, either as perpetrators or victims. Methodologically, discriminant validity (HTMT < 0.85), acceptable fit (SRMR ≈ 0.06), and moderate R² (0.41–0.46) suggest a coherent nomological network; robustness checks (controls and subgroup tests) did not materially alter focal paths, supporting the stability of inferences.
Implications for online sports communities
The findings of this study have several important implications for managing cyberbullying in online sports communities. As sports fandoms are often characterized by high levels of passion, rivalry, and competition, these environments can foster aggressive behaviors, particularly among individuals high in extraversion and neuroticism. Developing strategies that promote empathy, cooperation, and emotional regulation could help reduce the prevalence of cyberbullying within these communities. At the platform level, SIDE-informed design nudges—reply-friction during spikes (cool-down timers, “are you sure?” prompts), identity-reframing cues (“rivalry ≠ enemy”), and visibility throttling for brigading—can dampen identity-congruent pile-ons. Community management can deploy rivalry-de-escalation threads, enforce anti-dog-piling rules, and surface injunctive norms (pinned pro-social posts) at peak events. Team/league partners can pre-commit to code-of-conduct campaigns around derbies to shift perceived norms. At the user level, skills training that builds agreeableness-aligned practices (such as perspective-taking and non-violent communication) and conscientious “digital hygiene” (like reply delays and mention filters) may reduce both perpetration and exposure.
Educational interventions aimed at fostering agreeable and conscientious behaviors among sports fans could be an effective way to mitigate aggressive online interactions. For instance, promoting digital citizenship that emphasizes respect, empathy, and responsible online conduct could reduce the likelihood of individuals engaging in harmful behaviors14. Timed prompts that highlight prosocial group norms (“Fans of Team X value respectful debate”) can leverage identity to constrain rather than license aggression, aligning with SIDE’s prediction that salient group norms guide behavior.
Koronios et al. emphasized that online sports communities, given their competitive nature, require moderation tools and community guidelines that discourage bullying and promote positive engagement15. Furthermore, implementing features that encourage positive reinforcement (such as rewarding pro-social behavior) could foster a more supportive online environment, reducing the likelihood of cyber aggression. Encouraging fans to engage in respectful discourse, even in moments of heated rivalry, could foster a healthier online community. Platform incentives (badges for constructive rivals, throttling of repeat antagonists during spikes) and algorithmic down-ranking of rivalry-bait content are concrete levers aligned with these recommendations.
Limitations and future directions
This study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the sample was drawn from sports fans on Sina Weibo, which may limit the generalizability of the results to other social media platforms or contexts. Future studies should investigate whether these relationships between personality traits and online aggression persist across various online environments, including educational and professional platforms. Additionally, the cross-sectional nature of this study limits the ability to infer causality. Longitudinal research could provide more insight into how personality traits influence online behaviors over time. Furthermore, our non-probability sampling (ads + snowball) introduces self-selection bias; although we reported diverse demographics and included controls, the representativeness of our findings is not claimed. All measures were self-report; although common-method checks were acceptable, multi-method designs (behavioral trace data, observer ratings) are needed. We focused on a single platform and cultural context; platform affordances and cultural logics may condition effects elsewhere. Translation/adaptation, although rigorous, may still introduce subtle measurement variance.
Furthermore, cultural factors may have influenced the manifestation of cyberbullying and cybervictimization behaviors. As Wang and Chen noted, cultural differences in online behavior can shape how cyberbullying is experienced and perceived, suggesting that future research should explore cross-cultural comparisons to better understand the global implications of these findings16. We specifically recommend: (a) panel or experience-sampling designs to test temporal ordering (strain → cues → identity salience → attitude → episodes); (b) field experiments embedding de-escalation prompts and reply friction; (c) natural experiments around rivalry shocks (derbies, transfers) to identify causal effects; (d) cross-platform and cross-culture comparisons; and (e) measurement of identity fusion alongside fan identity to parse routine vs. extreme punitive actions.
