Activists note that sexual violence cannot be addressed solely through policing after a crime has occurred.
Chennai: A series of sexual crimes reported across Tamil Nadu over the past few weeks has triggered outrage and renewed questions about law and order in the state. The debate intensified after reports of multiple cases of sexual violence, including assaults against children, emerged from different parts of Chennai in a day. The city witnessed 12 cases of sexual violence against women and children on June 15 alone, sending shockwaves across the country.
A promise that did not hold
“TVK [Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam] basically came to power by holding the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) responsible for increasing violence against women. As Chief Minister Vijay recently said, it was about ‘individual discipline.’ But, as a leader contesting election, he pinned the blame on DMK and projected it as a failure of the previous governments. This is why it has become an issue now,” Priyan, journalist and political analyst, told The Wire.
Violence against women, along with deteriorating law and order conditions were major electoral issues raised during the campaign. Vijay had publicly promised there “would not be a single case of violence” the moment he took charge – a statement vastly proven as inaccurate since then.
The newly elected government has sought to project action through measures like the Singappen Special Force, launched on June 9. Announced with an allocation of Rs 354 crore, the initiative includes plans for drone surveillance and 2,500 new posts. However, activists and rights groups have argued that the focus on policing initiatives risks diverting attention from deeper institutional failures that have long plagued the state’s child protection system.
Days after the institution of the Singappen Special force, M. Manikandan, a local functionary of the ruling TVK in Salem, was arrested in connection with an alleged sexual assault and video-blackmail case, involving more than 50 women from economically vulnerable backgrounds. The case has added a new political dimension to the debate, with critics questioning whether the government is willing to address failures within its own ranks while talking about women’s safety.
The incident sparked a fresh ‘war of words,’ with opposition leaders blaming the government for ongoing failures in women’s safety and law enforcement. Former Chief Minister and DMK president M. K. Stalin alleged that the TVK government had dismantled the “efficient administrative machinery” built by his administration and was a “xerox copy” of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Challenging the government’s handling of Manikandan’s case, Stalin asked whether protecting the accused had become more important than securing justice for victims. He also criticised Vijay for remaining silent despite growing concerns. Several X users have also taken to accusing the government of turning Tamil Nadu into an “Uttar Pradesh model.”
All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) general secretary and Leader of the Opposition Edappadi K. Palaniswami demanded the immediate arrest of all those involved. He added that the government was indulging in “show politics” instead of managing the issue with the seriousness it deserved.
More visibility, not necessarily more crime
Activists working in the field of child and women’s rights argue that while individual incidents garner public attention, the real crisis lies in the weakening of institutions meant to prevent abuse, protect survivors and ensure accountability in the first place.
Henry Tiphagne, executive director of People’s Watch, says the current narrative claiming that the state suddenly witnessed a dramatic breakdown in law and order is misleading. “Personally, I don’t feel there is an increase in the number of cases. There is, however, an increase in the visibility of such cases, which was, perhaps, not done in the past,” Tiphagne says, “It is not that people in Tamil Nadu, after May 4, have suddenly been let loose. These violent incidents have persisted since before.”
He argues that cases are receiving greater media attention today. “Greater visibility is not necessarily a bad thing. Increased reporting and discussion can force institutions to respond and encourage survivors to come forward,” he says, adding that the present political debate is overlooking an integral aspect: the condition of institutions established to ensure children’s safety.
Existing bodies are failing
Tiphagne points out that Tamil Nadu already has a network of child protection mechanisms, including Childline services, Juvenile Justice boards and Child Welfare committees. Every district has personnel assigned specifically to these systems. Yet, there is very little monitoring of how these bodies function on ground.
He further accuses the State Commission for Protection of Child Rights (SCPCR) – mandated to monitor the implementation of laws relating to children – of being a ‘useless body.’ “This is the time for the government to reflect on what is, unfortunately, a useless body, that is not paid at all…they are a 100% political appointees,” he says, “The Commission lacks adequate staffing, resources and expertise to carry out meaningful oversight of schools and welfare institutions across the state.”
Tiphagne adds the dominant exchange is focusing on shifting blame from one political party to another, rather than targeting the underlying crisis of institutions being unequipped to do the work they are mandated to perform. “They aren’t funded enough and not resourced in terms of personnel either. I think this is the real crisis,” he says.
Child rights activist, Devaneyan, echoes Tiphagne concerns, arguing that the state’s child protection framework is facing administrative as well as financial neglect. He highlights what he describes as “a contradiction between political messaging and policy priorities.” “This current government is a product of child exploitation; it came to power by using children, yet its actions run entirely contrary,” he claims.
Devaneyan told The Wire that despite legal restrictions under the Juvenile Justice Act and Election Commission’s guidelines discouraging the use of minors in political activities, Vijay had asked children to urge their family members to vote for his party. Moreover, at least on two occasions, he had thanked his “little friends” for their contribution.
Devaneyan extends his criticism beyond election practices.
He notes that Tamil Nadu recorded over 6,900 Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) cases in 2024. While the figure is often cited to highlight the scale of abuse, he argues it also indicates greater reporting and awareness. “The more important question is whether the State has strengthened the support systems needed to respond to these complaints,” he adds.
Regarding the changes made in Childline services following the Union Government’s decision to integrate the 1098 helpline under Mission Vatsalya, he says the transition resulted in significant vacancies and operational challenges. “The state has starved these schemes financially. Helpline workers haven’t received travel allowances for seven months and are surviving on just 40% of their salaries for the last three months. Child Welfare Committees (CWCs) are facing severe funding delays. When helpline workers themselves are financially insecure, how can we expect them to protect children?” he observes.
Furthermore, the problem is not merely a shortage of personnel, but also a weakening of the entire ecosystem meant to support vulnerable children. Under existing laws, every police station is required to have a designated Child Welfare Police Officer (CWPO), who is trained in dealing with child-related sensitive cases. Devaneyan notes that often the responsibility is treated as an additional charge. An officer handling routine criminal investigations is simultaneously expected to manage cases involving traumatised children, counselling responsibilities and legal procedures under POCSO. As a result, specialised child protection becomes a paperwork exercise, instead of a dedicated function.
“The government is investing in visible initiatives such as the Singappen force, but less attention is being paid to grassroots mechanisms that could prevent abuse before it occurs. Among these are Village Level Child Protection Committees, which remain inactive or absent in many places. Without functioning local structures, the system continues to react to crimes, rather than identifying risks early,” he says.
Laws on paper, gaps on ground
G. Manjula, former state secretary of National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW), told The Wire that “resolving the issue of sexual violence against women and children requires integrated, immediate, and long-term actions.” The State already has enough laws on paper; the real challenge is their implementation.
She also calls for large-scale government-funded awareness campaigns to be broadcast across television, cinema and other media platforms so that people are aware of their rights and the available protections. “Policymakers should engage directly with lawyers, women’s organisations and child rights groups to identify obstacles that prevent laws from being implemented. Rather than treating civil society as an external critic, governments should use the expertise available within these organisations,” she adds.
A key part of her proposal relates to statutory bodies. “Institutions such as the State Commission for Women and the State Commission for Protection of Child Rights (SCPCR) require independent funding and operational autonomy. These bodies should be insulated from political interference if they are to function as effective watchdogs,” she notes.
Manjula also suggests the creation of a high-level monitoring committee comprising representatives from women’s organisations, police, lawyer bodies, State Women’s Commission and journalist guilds. “Every single member of this committee must be a woman,” she asserts.
Additionally, gender equality education should be made mandatory from Class 1, along with a comprehensive sex education programme Class 8 onwards. Manjula believes these interventions are necessary to combat behaviours contributing to sexual violence.
The need to fix existing institutions before building anew
Recent cases have undoubtedly intensified public scrutiny over law and order situation. They have also generated political pressure as the Chief Minister directly oversees the Home Department. Nevertheless, this debate far surpasses questions of political responsibility or police response. Tamil Nadu’s child protection architecture is breaking down at a time when public awareness and reporting are on the rise. On top of that, statutory bodies remain underfunded and neglected.
Whether the government’s response focuses on new police initiatives, institutional reform or a combination of both, will determine the next phase of this debate. However, the immediate priority is clear: existing systems must be strengthened before new ones are created. In the absence of this shift, public outrage may heighten after every big incident, while the structural conditions which perpetuate abuse will prevail unchanged.
Kavitha Muralidharan is an independent journalist.
This article went live on June eighteenth, two thousand twenty six, at zero minutes past six in the evening.
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